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January 14, 1971     Shelton Mason County Journal
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January 14, 1971

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@ The forty-second session of the Washington State Legislature convened in new quarters this week. As you will remember, a fire destroyed the former capitol - the Tyee Motor Inn - sending legislators and lobbyists fleeing into the night in their skivvies. The new headquarters is the Evergreen Inn, a spacious new pile of Northwest architecture squatting atop a hill overlooking a freeway interchange and the pantry of the governor's mansion. We dispatched a spy, disguised as a bumper-sticker salesman from Tukwila, to bring back a report on the new headquarters. The legislative chamber is larger, he revealed, than its counterpart at the Tyee. The desks are on two levels and each lawmaker is afforded a sweeping view, past the bartender, of tall evergreens, shimmering water and Japanese ships in the harbor. The legislative dining room which adjoins the chamber, he estimated, will accommodate 190 politicians and 10 lobbyists, give or take a few. (Our spy said he could have gotten a more accurate count of the seating if he hadn't first spent two hours in the chamber. The sweeping view affected his eyes, he said, causing him to see double and triple.) The new seat of government, he reported, is an admirable replacement for the former Tumwater gathering place. He felt at home immediately, and soon forgot the long dreadful spell of aimlessness which had haunted him since the Tyee went up in smoke. "It was just like the old days," he gushed. "Gummy Johnson was trying to get the Republican committee stragglers out of the chamber and back to their meeting room, and a Democratic senator offered to let a lobbyist buy me a drink." A letter is at hand from the Office of the Secretary of Transportation detailing the amount of money that department is saving the taxpayers by issuing its publicity releases single-spaced on both sides of the sheet. The letter is signed by the Special Assistant to the Assistant Director for Program Coordination, Office of Public Affairs, Office of the Secretary of Transportation. As your mind wanders through that maze of bureaucratic empire-building, trying unsuccessfully to figure out where the hell this guy reposes in the table of organization, you get the distinct impression that single-spaced press releases on both sides of the paper are the least of the taxpayers' worries. . We are looking for c lrd to the arrival of a single-spaced neWqs rom a ageq cy which reveals the salary of a Special Assistant to the Assistant Director for Program Coordination, Office of Public Affairs. If it does, we will scan the heavens for a star in the east. Land reform has been a key issue in South Vietnam for a number of years. The following story from Saigon brings the heartening news that land reform is, indeed, moving forward in that enlightened republic. SAIGON - The wife of South Vietnamese Vice President Nguyen Cao Ky denied today that she and her husband were trying to make a "land grab" in a case involving her application for choice acreage in the Central Highlands. The 3,600 acres of rich fanning land sought by Mrs. Ky also is claimed by Montagnard tribesmen, who owned the land before they were driven out by the Viet-Cong. Mrs. Ky, making her first public statement on the dispute, said, "I have applied to have that land in accor lance with the law," she said. "I have followed administrative procedures and exercised my rights. I have asked for no tax exemption. I ask this for myself. I do not want to use my husband's name and position to have that land." The dispute came to light this week when Paul Nur, South Vietnam's minister for the development of ethnic minorities, said Mrs. Ky had asked to be granted the land under South Vietnam's public-domain law, which allows assignment of unoccupied land to private individuals. Montagnards in the village of Tutra, 140 miles north of Saigon, say they left the land temporarily because the war has made in unsafe. Mrs. Ky said she wanted the land to build a farm where she and her husband could retire. She also said they wanted to build a resort for South Vietnamese airmen. Founded 1886 by Grant C. Angle Mailing Address: Box 430, Shelton, Wa. 98584 Phone 426-4412 Published at Shelton, Mason County, Washington, weekly, except two issues during week of Thanksgiving. Entered as Second-Cl~ss Matter at the Post Office, Shelton, Wa. Member of National Editorial Association Member of Washington Newspaper Publishers' Association SUBSCRIPTION RATES: $5.00 per year in Mason County, in advance -- Outside Mason County $6.00 EDITOR AND PUBLISHER ...................... Henry G. Gay PLANT SUPERINTENDENT ........................ Jim Shrurn NEWS EDITOR ................................... Alan Ford OFFICE MANAGER ......................... Loderna Johnson OFFICE ASSISTANT ............................. Mary Kent ADVERTISING MANAGER ...................... Don Adolfson WOMEN'S EDITOR .............................. Jan Danford H~~~iggHfl~m~u~umm~flfl~mHflflH~flfl~~~H~fl~~H~flmfl~m~~fl~~~~m~fl~m~~flfl~fl~fl Page 4 - Shelton-Mason County Journal - Thursday, January 14, CI t S "Who do we call, the manager--or Slade Gorton?" BY: ROBERT C. CUMMINGS A new freeze on property taxes can be expected in the current legislative session, according to a man who is in a position to know. The prediction has been made by Sen. Hubert Donohue, Dayton, who is chairman of the Senate subcommittee on revenue and taxation. Donohue's committee, and its counterpart in the House, will receive Initiative 44 when it is certified to the Legislature by the Secretary of State. This is the measure to freeze the statutory property tax limit at 20 mills, which obtained more than 230,000 signatures in less than two months. The Legislature may either enact the measure or refer it to the voters at the next election. Donohue will recommend that the Legislature enact the measure into law immediately. Constitution, Too A statutory freeze on property taxes is only the first step as far as Sen. Donohue is concerned. He predicts a "25 per cent" amendment to the constitution will sail through both houses in record time, for submission to the voters in the following election. Its approval would lower the assessment base for taxing property from 50 to 25 per cent, so that the present constitutional tax limit of 40 mills would be the same as 20 mills on the present 50 per cent valuations. Bid For Pressure? Most Governors historically would rather be remembered as "builders," rather than one who had saved money - especially if the Legislature can I~e made to shoulder the responsibility for paying the freight. This could be the main reason Gov. Evans chose to set a new precedent by delivering his budget message to the Legislature at a night session, to be broadcast live on TV - and on "prime" time - Thursday evening. Many may have forgotten, but he informed a news conference a few weeks earlier that the budget he would submit to the Legislature would be balanced without any need for new or increased taxes. When the public hears where the cuts are being made, it could result in heavy pressure on the Legislature to "do something," which in turn could soften the resistance to more taxes. If so, it probably will mean another hike in the sales tax. It definitely won't lead to any further increases in property taxes. Gun-Shy With so many major problems facing the law-makers this session, one thing they don't want is another "wet-and-dry" fight. As a result, a provision which would permit 18-year-olds to drink beer probably will be deleted from a bill extending other majority rights to 18-year-olds. The surgery probably will be performed quietly - and as painlessly as possible - in committee before the measure ever reaches the floor. There could be an attempt to reinstate it with an amendment from the floor, but once the beer is out, it will be more difficult to get it back in. And keeping it out will result in a lot less blood letting than would occur if the beer privilege were left in, and the bill reached final passage in that form. Calculated Risk A calculated risk is involved in Gov. Dan Evans' two bills extending employment compensation benefits, and bringing the state law into conformity with the new federal act. It took a long-drawn-out battle through several sessions to get benefits raised to their present levels with a maximum of $72 per week. Normally labor wouldn't want to open these laws up, for industry seems likely to try to impose further restrictions on eligibility requirements. But labor wants the extended benefits, and must take the accompanying risks to get them. The bill would extend benefits to a maximum of 52 weeks Mandatory coverage also would be extended to non-profit organizations, and to all state employes. Concealed Explosives Several of the Governor's "human concerns" bills could become explosive, though they appear innocent enough on the face. A very moderate measure expanding the rights of married women could quickly lose its moderate tones if the "women's lib" group should decide to take hold. A knock-down, drag-out fight could be fatal, with the measure dying in some committee. A bill endorsed by both the Governor and the Joint Committee on Education, spelling out student conduct requirements and rights, could be buried under amendments.' It may be subject to attack from extremists on each side of the controversy. No Handicap Here One bill in the Governor's "human concerns" package which will sail through both houses without difficulty is one making education of handicapped children a mandatory obligation of both the state and local school districts. It carries a $5 million price tag, but already is provided for in the Governor's budget. It is the result of a recent study which shows there are some 5,000 handicapped children in this state who are without any educational opportunities. Annual Or Perennial? The controversy ovei" annual legislative sessions has become perennial. The Governor will have a proposed constitutional amendment on the subject introduced again, as he has had in every regular session since he took office. Long before he was Governor, and as far back as 1933, there has been one or more versions of an annual session amendment in every regular session, and several~ special sessions, too. This issue never dies, and it wilt live to bob up again in 1973, for it won't get through this time, either. It may get through the House, where it has strong Democratic as well as Republican support, but never through the Senate, where the majority leader, Sen. R. R. Greive, is one of the leading opponents. By RICK ANDERSON University of Washington Television was already having its problems in 1970. There were charges of irrelevant programming, biased news presentations, and excessive violence leveled against the three major television networks. But the real trouble did not come until the networks reinterpreted the Fairness Doctrine. The Fairness Doctrine had originally been instituted to provide equal time for candidates during election campaign. However, in 1971 the networks decided that President Nixon's televised speeches to the nation were political and gave the Democratic party equal time to answer the President. After Democratic party boss Larry O'Brien had given his rebuttal, Republican chairman Rogers Morton charged that O'Brien had deliberately and falsely attacked Nixon. The networks dutifully gave Morton equal time to reply to O'Brien's reply. O'Brien then complained that Morton had not only deliberately and falsely attacked Hubert Humphrey, but had also insulted O'Brien's sainted grandmother. O'Brien was given equal time to reply to Morton. This see-saw continued until the networks decided in desperation to give both parties a half hour of prime time every night to answer each other's attacks. The next program to be affected by the Fairness Doctrine was "Meet the Press." Early in 1971 Republicans charged that producer-moderator Lawrence E. Spivak asked tougher questions of conservatives than of liberals. Democrats claimed the opposite was true. Eventually it was decided that guests on "Meet the Press" could pick their own panels. Thus, in June of 1971, Vice President Spiro Agnew was mercilessly questioned by William Buckley, Ronaid Reagan, and Bob Hope, while in July of the same year Senator George McGovern was grilled by J. William Fuibright, Mark Hatfield, and Charles Goodeil. Viewers apparently did not mind the Fairness Doctrine until it was applied to local stations. In December of 1971, James J. Doakes of Dubuque, Iowa, protested that the U.S. Weather Bureau forecasts were often wrong and that he could do a better job of predicting the weather. The Federal Communications Commission ruled that Dubuque stations had to give Doakes equal time. By February of 1972, the Fairness Doctrine was applied to every news item broadcast on local stations. Since this meant nearly every piece of news had to be broadcast at least twice, local news programs often took over three hours. By September of 1972, the networks decided to give up and turn over their entire fall schedule to political groups. Thus, the 1972 television season dawned with these exciting programs: 8:00. "Room 333." Max Rafferty stars as the kindly principal of a California elementary school who bans recess, class discussions, and minority students in an effort to stop outside agitation. 8:30. "Mission Destruction." Abbie Hoffman plays the highly skilled leader of a band of anarchists in this compelling drama Jerry Rubin, Stephanie Coontz, and Bobby Seale co-star. 9:00. "The Dove Music Hall." Senators George McGovern and J. William Fulbright host this variety program with guest stars Pete Seegar, Jane Fonda, and Joan Baez. 10:00. "The Least Deadly Game." This top-rated program has Spiro Agnew and his lovely assistant (Martha Mitchell) hunting impudent snobs and very liberal communists all over the globe. Television had finally solved its political problems. The only trouble was that all of its former viewers were going to the movies. 1971 Letter box: Editor, The Journal: Initiative 43, regulating shoreline use and development, although subjected to unfair attacks, received well over the required number of signatures. In fact, it was reported that propaganda of interests fighting the initiative was so blatantly misleading that it gave impetus to indignant citizens in signing the petition. Statements made in a letter in last week's Journal signed by Vivian Olson are typical of the fear-provoking distortions used by opponents of the initiative. Without crediting her source, Mrs. Olson's letter made almost verbatim use of a similar one sent out by a large development sales company, warning against Initiative 43 and withdrawal of signatures. A letter by a re the Washington Council, sponsors of Initi will be sent the Journal up such misconce misinterpretations o provisions as appeared in i Olsen's letter. For the benefit of citizens, a public Shelton is being members of LANCE Action for Natural Environment) for month. Qualified speakers explain and answer about Initiative 43 and proposals for shoreline legislation. Frances Editor, The Journal: In line with your good news policy inaugurated in your editorial of January 7, permit me to say that every good American can take heart from a dispatch datelined Vientiane which appeared on Page One of the Seattle P I on January 8. It said: "More than 1,000 Americans have been killed, wounded, or missing in action in Laos since the U.S. began fighting there in May, 1964..." If we compare this with the carnage of some of our Civil War battles, what I may call the good news quotient of our Southeast Asia battle losses becomes crystal clear. For example, the Union army under General Burnside in the assault on Fredricksburg lost 18,771 killed, wounded, and missing in a single day. At Gettysburg in three days Union casualties were 23,186. Rebel killed and wounded were estimated at 18,000, but we need not consider the bad guys in a piece about good news. Fredricksburg is generally described as a Union disaster whereas Gettysburg, where 4,415 more soldiers were lost, is regarded as one of our nation's greatest victories Whether this is because of the greater number of dead and wounded or because it lasted three times as long is a question that deserves more attention than historians have so far accorded it, since the answer would undoubtedly provide a reliable guideline for Calculating the good news factor in casualty lists. Lacking such a yardstick, however, the best we can do in assessing the Laos news is to apply simple arithmetic. If we divide the Gettysburg score of 23,186 with the Laos tally of approximately 1,000, we find that for every American lost in Laos, 23. 186 fathers, sons, brothers, husbands or boy friends had it at Gettysburg. This is hardly good news if we adhere to the historical criterion which equates bloodshed with glory. But that view i anachronism in to~ ideological contexti Gettysburg both Lee and hurled their men cannon's mouth with thought in mind: enemy. Their men had a choice: kill or be killed. But today in our boys are fighting to Commander-in-Chief sending our troops into order to make it withdraw our troops from and thus secure freedom for the world. This modem concept object of war and the role: fighting men neces., complete reversal ot evaluation of the price not victory. We must, in tact, principle of the fewer the to battle casualties, even extent of considerin Gettysburg might have greater victory for the half as many had been wounded and for had never been fought at Such a psycholC ab0ut-face requires us, to reverse our appraisal of the us, therefore, divide by Gettysburg's 23,186 at our good news quotient, This proves to be father, son, brother, boy friend lost in Laos one of the same who come home from This infinitesimal deserves to be called a But so it is and therein good news. Think of it. In years since Gettysburg 23,186 human beings in three days, this nation for peace, has progressed point where it takes six seven months to lose fighting in a country we are not at war! For a peace-loving which abhors war Laos are indeed In Pasco schools it was pantsuits and slacks for Shelton it's beards, blue jeans and bib overalls. The state attorney general's opinion permittin wear pantsuits and slacks in Pasco schools [ have much effect on school districts here, but it may districts as Shelton, where they banned the three B's. Pantsuits and slacks for girls are already permitted schools and most other schools in Seattle, Bellevue, Sh< and Highline districts, j However, Shelton and many other smaller, o4 school districts have more rigid dress codes. Shelt4 example, has already battled over its dress code-I, temporary measure, a student faculty committee as ' suspension of dress regulations except for beards fo .. blue jeans for gifts and bib overalls for boys and gifls. meantime, students and administrators there are wori a final dress code. That's where the state attorney general's opinion in. Heruled the school district could not enforce that Were a matter of taste. It could only regulate dress if it could cause s! hazard or could cause or risk disruption in the classroO From the Sea ] 1 "There's one household appliance that never breaks around here . . . me!"