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Shelton Mason County Journal
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Mason County Journal
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September 30, 1971     Shelton Mason County Journal
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September 30, 1971

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You will not be afflicted, from this source, with gushing praise of the newsprint media during National Newspaper Week. There are two reasons for this. In the first place, we don't know the exact date of this monumental event and, secondly, we have always felt that National Newspaper Week has about as much interest for a reader as National Foot Health Week or National Peanut Butter Week. Since we consign news releases of the latter to the wastebasket - along with pictures of President Nixon's arches and Governor Evans munching a peanut butter sandwich - we feel it is appropriate to do the same to the purple prose extolling the virtues of newspapers. In addition, there is always the possibility that the releases of the various "weeks" might become mixed up, resulting in a paean to slanted news that sticks to the roof of your mouth. There are more important things to put in this weekly column - such as the following: If Presidential Advisor Henry Kissinger continues his cloak-and-dagger operations, slipping into foreign countries under assumed names, it is almost a certainty that the most popular song in Washington, D.C., will be "1 Wonder Who's Kissinger Now?" The shortest anti-pollution editorial on record recently appeared in a North Carolina community college newspaper. It read" "I shot an arrow into the air and it stuck." The Journal's national correspondent reports that Phase II of President Nixon's war on the economy will be conducted by General John Connoily with the assistance of a Texas economist best known as the author of the following method to weigh hogs which has enjoyed wide popularity in that state. First you get a good long plank. You then put this plank across a cross-beam to form a balance. Then you tie the hog to one end of the plank. Next you search for a stone which will balance the weight of the hog and tie that to the other end of the plank. Then you try to guess the weight of the stone. The Lyndon B. Johnson Library in Texas contains 31 million pages of United States documents and only 500,000 pictures of the former president. This should silence the carping critics who contend that Lyndon is an egomaniac. The official encouragement to violence in America is nothing new, as the 1927 experience of Mme. Rosika Schwimmer proves. Mme. Schwimmer, onetime Hungarian Minister to Switzerland, had been trying for some time to become a U.S. citizen when she appeared before Judge A. in U.S. Distriet COurt to petition for "If you were a nurse," asked the judge, " ring for a wounded American soldier, and observed an armed enemy approaching, would you take up a pistol and shoot the enemy?" "No," answered Madame Schwimmer, "but I would warn the soldier. I would not kill a man, even if he tried to kill me." She added that she might fling herself upon the enemy and try to disarm him. "What's all," said Judge Carpenter. "Petition denied." Then the judge rose from his seat. He pointed at the U.S. flag over his courtroom door and sternly said to Mme. Schwimmer: "You cannot be a halfway citizen under that flag... We have a great deal to give when we confer citizenship upon an alien. It is like admitting a new stockholder, and he or she should be willing to do what the other stockholders have obligated themselves to do." What this country needs today - as it did in 1927 - is more women willing to kill and more judges who understand the basic requirements of citizenship in one nation, under God. Some observers of the political scene in Olympia claim that one reason the legislative process is in such a mess there is because of lack of brainpower. They contend that if you put the brains of many legislators in mustard seeds you could use them for baby's rattles. This is utter nonsense, ot course, and the latest incident to prove the untruth of the claim is the case of Representative C. W. "Red" Beck and the ferry engines. At a meeting of the subcommittee on water transportation of the state committee on highways, Beck questioned the planned use of what he called "the Proxmire engine" in two ferries under construction in Seattle. Auxiliary engines for the two superferries are being manufactured by Waukesha Engine Co. of Wisconsin, home state of Senator William Proxmire. "I can't see why the people of Washington should pay their tax dollars to a company which is in the territory of a man who's shown such disregard for our welfare," said Beck. "I've lost a lot of respect for Proxmire's area since the SST vote." Beck conceded the Waukesha engine is "a good piece of machinery" and said he was not concerned with the quality of the engine, "but where it's made." Take heart, citizens. With brainpower like this at its disposal, our state will struggle through these hard times. Founded 1886 by Grant C. Angle Mailing Address: Box 430, Shelton, Wa. 98584 Phone 426-4412 Published at Shelton, Mason County, Washington, weekly, except two issues during week of Thanksgiving. Entered as Second-Class Matter at the Post Office, Shelton, Wa. EDITOR AND PUBLISHER ...................... Henry G. Gay "Phase Two of my economic plan calls for us to eat dinner at Colonel Sanders' for the next six months." IS By ROBERT C. CUMMINGS A new push for enactment of unit pricing legislation will be launched in the 1972 special session by Atty. Gen. Slade Gorton. Unit pricing, also known as dual pricing, requires merchants to post the price per unit - usually the ounce or pound - as well as the price per package, to prevent shoppers being deceived by false bargains. Gorton expended considerable effort trying to get this sort of legislation enacted during the 1971 session, but never ,. gol~ as far as the check-out calendar. Bills wcarg ~.9,dq~ced in both houses, as HB 444 ~fid SB 31 5, but in the Republican- controlled House, HB 444 never got out of the Committee on Business and Professions. The companion bill, SB 315, fared somewhat better in the Senate where the Democrats hold a substantial majority, but it died in Rules Committee without ever reaching the floor. It had received a "do pass" recommendation from the Committee on Cor~merce and Regulatory Agencies. New Approach The legislation Gorton sponsored last session was quite detailed. The new proposal will be simplified, patterned after the Massachusetts law. Retail food dealers opposed the legislation with contention that the cost of dual pricing would force them to raise food prices. Gorton's argument that use of computers had eliminated the cost factor fell generally on deaf ears, so this time he is considering a counter action. Under consideration is a provision which would exempt any retailer who could prove the cost of unit pricing represented as much as 1/10 of 1 per cent of his gross effective until next May 1. The Attorney General also plans to help Gov. Dan Evans in attempts to pass legislation regulating landlord-tenant relations; also regulation of camping club membership sales being developed by the Legislative Council's Judiciary Committee, and establishment of maximum fees for employment agencies. The camping club legislation will be new. Landlord-tenant legislation was introduced by executive request in both houses last session, but neither bill ever ,~mt, o~b.of Judiciary,Committee. sales. , : More Time To C~ol~.,~ ; *Ttiei,~or. ,couldn t' find a Another measure Gort0n frill i'R'~pnbli6an ~iiling to spofisor the bil! .in.the Senate. The lone push in the special session would .... extend the present 24-hour "cooling-off" period for cancelling conditional sales contracts to three days. The period has been extended to three days in several states, on grounds that 24 hours is in-sufficient time for many people to learn of the right and comply with the necessary procedures. Much of Gorton's energy also will be devoted to defense of the franchise investment protection law enacted in the 1971 session. Ite fears an attempt will be made to sabotage it in advance of its effective date. It doesn't become sponsor was George Fleming, Seattle Democrat. In the House, the only Republican willing to put his name on the bill was Rep. Mike Ross, from Seattle's Central Area. Most legislators took the stand that it was a Seattle problem, with which the Legislature shouldn't concern itself. Moaning At The Bar Estimates of the state's loss in liquor sales as the result of the new tax of 2 cents per fluid ounce enacted by the 1971 Legislature have been revised sharply upward. A decline of 1 50,000 cases originally was forecast for the first year. Now it is estimated by the Distilled Spirits Institute that the loss will be as much as 250,000 cases. The revised estimates are based on sales for July, the first month of the new tax. Sales were down 46,353 cases as compared with July a year ago. Dollarwise, this amoupts to nearly $1.77 million. If sales continue at the present low level, the loss will amount to more than $8.75 million over the year, or $17.5 million for the biennium. Counties Eye Tax With 33 of the ;state's 39 counties now collecting the half-cent local sales ta~.counties will strive to get the coming special legislative session to repeal the expiration date in the present law. A bill to repeal the expiration date was introduced in the last session, but this measure also would eliminate the counties' share of sales taxes collected by cities. The measure never got out of the Subcommittee on Revenue and Taxation. The present law, enacted in 1970, is due to expire December 31, 1 973, and some of the counties are beginning to worry. So are some of the cities. Governor evans favors extending the law. ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~u~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~u~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~i~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ Let's talk books: America's Other Youth: Growing Up Poor. Edited by David Gottlieb and Anne L. Heinsohm Prentice-Hall. 206 pp. Cloth, $7.95. Paper, $3.95. Reviewed by Harold C. Fleming During the last decade, our perception of poverty in this country has changed radically. In the early '60s Americans were startled to find that, in the midst of general affluence, as much as a fourth of the population was poor. Prior to this rediscovery of poverty, the general as- sumption was that only a relatively few Americans. as a result of special circum- stances, were excluded from participa- tion in our rising prosperity. It was rec- ognized that blacks and other minorities were predominantly on the lower rungs of the economic ladder: but even in their case it was taken for granted that the trend was inexorably upward. As had been true for the rest of us. universal education and an expanding economy were expected to do the job for all but the hopelessly handicapped or the in- curably lazy. Most Americans had, in fact. grown up "poor" or had experienced poverty to one degree or another during the Great Depression. But no stigma was attached to this common misfortune and, after the fact, it was generally ac- cepted that ambition and hard work were still the keys to opportunity, short of a nationwide debacle. Now. such a view seems as naive and anachronistic as the Horatio Alger legend. What we confront today is institutionalized pov- erty--the result of a set of social and economic arrangements that systemati- cally robs certain groups of Americans of both opportunity and hope. This book is a collection of word pictures that illustrate what it means to grow up as a victim of this system. America's "other youths" are the chil- dren of the ghetto, the barrio, the reser- vation, the isolated mountain valley, and the migrant labor camp. To tell their. story, the editors have taken excerpts from a multiplicity of sources, including books, magazine articles, and other re- ports, and from authors of such varied backgrounds as Ralph Nader, Robert Coles. Claude Brown. and Malcolm X. The common thread is the authors' ef- forts to present the experience of grow- ing up poor in as nearly firsthand terms as possible, sometimes in the words of the young people themselves. \']hat emerges is a grim and shameful picture of exploitation, neglect, hunger, squalor, anger, despair, and alienation. Worst of all, as in the case of the migrant workers, is the prospect of under- nourished, sickly children succumbing to apathy and hopelessness, like their par- ents before them. To b~ abjectly poor is bad enough, but to be poor and without hope is a kind of life-in-death. Fortu- nately, this is not the universal response. .Man~' of the selections illustrate the growing shift from resignation to resent- ment on the part of the minority poor-- and with it the will and capacity to strike back against "the system." Middle-class persons who do not understand the pc- riodic explosions of rage and destructive- ness in the ghettos can find considerable enlightenment here. One who feels rele- gated by society to the status of a non- person is not choosy about how he as- serts the fact of his existence. There are no prescriptions in this book: its aim is to provide the kind of descriptive case histories that will create empathy and insight in the reader. The descriptions do make it clear, however, that the solution to this kind of poverty will require much more than conven- tional economic remedies. All but an exceptional few of these minority youths will remain trapped in the stagnation of poverty until and unless our institutions are redesigned to permit them access to power and esteem as well as income. And regrettably, if the past is any guide. this difficult task will be accomplished only in proportion to the stridency of the minority poor's demands. l.ike all paste-pot collections, this one suffers from a certain uneven, disjointed quality. This could have been partly remedied by more careful editing and the supplying of some connective tissue by the editors themselves. But given the nature and purpose of the book, these are not critical faults: the main object is achieved. An added attraction for the concerned reader is that the editors' royalties will be contributed to a special fund established at Pennsylvania State University to assist poor youth who otherwise would not be able to attend college. i~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~u~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~l~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~l~~~~~~~~~~~~u~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~u~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~u~~~~~~ Editor, The Journal: boys who are ! T h e g r a n d j ury has track and investigated the state liquor.mess, track to bet Now let them investigate the state horse. horseracing set-up, where one If the group has had the power to keep would allow dog racing out of the state by they have in hiring the people who work at the and have track, all of whom are State, they ex-politicians or related to of dollars by politicians, bookies This gives them the power to and give steady buttonhole legislators in Olympia of people, as so they can hang on to their state ferries exclusive concession. With taxeS' If the taxpayers who are the state could looking for relief on their high from the taxes would act as grownup from the rest individuals - I am not saying food and intelligent - they would move in on these exclusive concession By HANK ADAMS, Executive Director Survival of American Indians Association To allow sportsfishermen a chance to steelhead would have the clear effect of fish caught by them. in fact, the less fish sportsfishermen, the greater is the value of the of computation presently used. This method, as courts, is simply one of calculating the costS sportsfishermen are willing to put out, or are spent, from equipment costs, transpo motels, food, booze, to licenses, then dividing expenditure by the average number of fish caught 1 steelhead, it has been computed that the approximately $120 to catch two (2) $60.steelhead" The immediate effect of steelheaders average of 3, without spending more, would steelhead to $40-critters. There is then would spend less to catch such cheap even further. However, by halving the double the value of the steelhead to $120 -- on par with the fisherman's expenditure. spendintg hundreds of dollars more to catch a The ideal situation can perhaps best be seen like the harvestable steelhead resources on the salmon sportsfishery is subject to the same an average harvestable resource of 14,000 catches them, but noting that most have been sportsfishermen in the past, the following possible. Fourteen thousand steelhead caught by Puyallup River have a value of $840,000. steelhead caught by an Indian on the Puyallup, Indians caught 4,000 of the total, that the thousand would not decrease, but rather value of 14,000 steelhead caught by IndianS However, if one (1) steelhead was caught b steelhead would have a value of $880,000. catching 14,000 commercially, and one catching one steelhead - which should not effect upon the spawning escapement - the resource would have advanced to $1,020,000! Again, the $1,020,000 figure only tells the benefits to the Indians' income and the Doubtlessly, if the sportsfishermen's catch were $880,000 steelhead, there is no telling how fortunes, they might spend to catch such a spending, they would further increase its value to enhance the resource, also figured in the be increased to ensure the catch, and such increase in value of the fish and the But if such situation were to develop adopted, in the interests of moderating inflationary economy, 1 would recommend a mandatory spending limit of $1,000 for state out-of-state residents - who would certainly catch a near-priceless fish. Also, such a computation of the steelhead's value more as well, we would not want to eliminate located in the state. The law could easily be structured to sportfishery be permitted to catch but anadromous salmon species, and steelhead -- the commercial catch and spawning If anyone raised the argument that been converted to an expensive exercise of could be told, "Nonsense. The 1 But in mentioning it, that argument raises render such a program unworkable: that court that hook-and-line fishing was not for some salmon species on the lower Indian might spend a fifetime on the river by such means (and therefore needed netS) right of "taking fish", fisheries court, "That's not true. I've caught fishing for trout." In other words, the spoil it for us all. "I/ound an honest man, al he did? He called me Page 4 - Shelton-Mason County Journal - Thursday, September 30, 1971