You will not be afflicted, from this source, with gushing
praise of the newsprint media during National Newspaper
Week.
There are two reasons for this. In the first place, we don't
know the exact date of this monumental event and, secondly,
we have always felt that National Newspaper Week has about
as much interest for a reader as National Foot Health Week
or National Peanut Butter Week.
Since we consign news releases of the latter to the
wastebasket - along with pictures of President Nixon's
arches and Governor Evans munching a peanut butter
sandwich - we feel it is appropriate to do the same to the
purple prose extolling the virtues of newspapers.
In addition, there is always the possibility that the
releases of the various "weeks" might become mixed up,
resulting in a paean to slanted news that sticks to the roof of
your mouth.
There are more important things to put in this weekly
column - such as the following:
If Presidential Advisor Henry Kissinger continues his
cloak-and-dagger operations, slipping into foreign countries
under assumed names, it is almost a certainty that the most
popular song in Washington, D.C., will be "1 Wonder Who's
Kissinger Now?"
The shortest anti-pollution editorial on record recently
appeared in a North Carolina community college newspaper.
It read" "I shot an arrow into the air and it stuck."
The Journal's national correspondent reports that Phase
II of President Nixon's war on the economy will be
conducted by General John Connoily with the assistance of a
Texas economist best known as the author of the following
method to weigh hogs which has enjoyed wide popularity in
that state. First you get a good long plank. You then put this
plank across a cross-beam to form a balance. Then you tie the
hog to one end of the plank. Next you search for a stone
which will balance the weight of the hog and tie that to the
other end of the plank. Then you try to guess the weight of
the stone.
The Lyndon B. Johnson Library in Texas contains 31
million pages of United States documents and only 500,000
pictures of the former president. This should silence the
carping critics who contend that Lyndon is an egomaniac.
The official encouragement to violence in America is
nothing new, as the 1927 experience of Mme. Rosika
Schwimmer proves. Mme. Schwimmer, onetime Hungarian
Minister to Switzerland, had been trying for some time to
become a U.S. citizen when she appeared before Judge
A. in U.S. Distriet COurt to petition for
"If you were a nurse," asked the judge, " ring for a
wounded American soldier, and observed an armed enemy
approaching, would you take up a pistol and shoot the
enemy?"
"No," answered Madame Schwimmer, "but I would warn
the soldier. I would not kill a man, even if he tried to kill
me." She added that she might fling herself upon the enemy
and try to disarm him.
"What's all," said Judge Carpenter. "Petition denied."
Then the judge rose from his seat. He pointed at the U.S.
flag over his courtroom door and sternly said to Mme.
Schwimmer: "You cannot be a halfway citizen under that
flag... We have a great deal to give when we confer
citizenship upon an alien. It is like admitting a new
stockholder, and he or she should be willing to do what the
other stockholders have obligated themselves to do."
What this country needs today - as it did in 1927 - is
more women willing to kill and more judges who understand
the basic requirements of citizenship in one nation, under
God.
Some observers of the political scene in Olympia claim
that one reason the legislative process is in such a mess there
is because of lack of brainpower. They contend that if you
put the brains of many legislators in mustard seeds you could
use them for baby's rattles.
This is utter nonsense, ot course, and the latest incident
to prove the untruth of the claim is the case of
Representative C. W. "Red" Beck and the ferry engines.
At a meeting of the subcommittee on water
transportation of the state committee on highways, Beck
questioned the planned use of what he called "the Proxmire
engine" in two ferries under construction in Seattle.
Auxiliary engines for the two superferries are being
manufactured by Waukesha Engine Co. of Wisconsin, home
state of Senator William Proxmire.
"I can't see why the people of Washington should pay
their tax dollars to a company which is in the territory of a
man who's shown such disregard for our welfare," said Beck.
"I've lost a lot of respect for Proxmire's area since the SST
vote."
Beck conceded the Waukesha engine is "a good piece of
machinery" and said he was not concerned with the quality
of the engine, "but where it's made."
Take heart, citizens. With brainpower like this at its
disposal, our state will struggle through these hard times.
Founded 1886 by Grant C. Angle
Mailing Address: Box 430, Shelton, Wa. 98584 Phone 426-4412
Published at Shelton, Mason County, Washington,
weekly, except two issues during week of Thanksgiving.
Entered as Second-Class Matter at the Post Office, Shelton, Wa.
EDITOR AND PUBLISHER ...................... Henry G. Gay
"Phase Two of my economic plan
calls for us to eat dinner
at Colonel Sanders' for
the next six months."
IS
By ROBERT C. CUMMINGS
A new push for enactment of
unit pricing legislation will be
launched in the 1972 special
session by Atty. Gen. Slade
Gorton. Unit pricing, also known
as dual pricing, requires
merchants to post the price per
unit - usually the ounce or
pound - as well as the price per
package, to prevent shoppers
being deceived by false bargains.
Gorton expended
considerable effort trying to get
this sort of legislation enacted
during the 1971 session, but never
,. gol~ as far as the check-out
calendar. Bills wcarg ~.9,dq~ced in
both houses, as HB 444 °~fid SB
31 5, but in the Republican-
controlled House, HB 444 never
got out of the Committee on
Business and Professions.
The companion bill, SB 315,
fared somewhat better in the
Senate where the Democrats hold
a substantial majority, but it died
in Rules Committee without ever
reaching the floor. It had received
a "do pass" recommendation
from the Committee on
Cor~merce and Regulatory
Agencies.
New Approach
The legislation Gorton
sponsored last session was quite
detailed. The new proposal will be
simplified, patterned after the
Massachusetts law.
Retail food dealers opposed
the legislation with contention
that the cost of dual pricing
would force them to raise food
prices. Gorton's argument that
use of computers had eliminated
the cost factor fell generally on
deaf ears, so this time he is
considering a counter action.
Under consideration is a provision
which would exempt any retailer
who could prove the cost of unit
pricing represented as much as
1/10 of 1 per cent of his gross
effective until next May 1.
The Attorney General also
plans to help Gov. Dan Evans in
attempts to pass legislation
regulating landlord-tenant
relations; also regulation of
camping club membership sales
being developed by the Legislative
Council's Judiciary Committee,
and establishment of maximum
fees for employment agencies.
The camping club legislation
will be new. Landlord-tenant
legislation was introduced by
executive request in both houses
last session, but neither bill ever
,~mt, o~b.of Judiciary,Committee.
sales. , :
More Time To C~ol~.,~ ; *Ttiei,~or. ,couldn t' find a
Another measure Gort0n frill i'R'~pnbli6an ~iiling to spofisor the
bil! .in.the Senate. The lone
push in the special session would ....
extend the present 24-hour
"cooling-off" period for
cancelling conditional sales
contracts to three days. The
period has been extended to three
days in several states, on grounds
that 24 hours is in-sufficient time
for many people to learn of the
right and comply with the
necessary procedures.
Much of Gorton's energy also
will be devoted to defense of the
franchise investment protection
law enacted in the 1971 session.
Ite fears an attempt will be made
to sabotage it in advance of its
effective date. It doesn't become
sponsor was George Fleming,
Seattle Democrat.
In the House, the only
Republican willing to put his
name on the bill was Rep. Mike
Ross, from Seattle's Central Area.
Most legislators took the stand
that it was a Seattle problem,
with which the Legislature
shouldn't concern itself.
Moaning At The Bar
Estimates of the state's loss in
liquor sales as the result of the
new tax of 2 cents per fluid ounce
enacted by the 1971 Legislature
have been revised sharply upward.
A decline of 1 50,000 cases
originally was forecast for the
first year. Now it is estimated by
the Distilled Spirits Institute that
the loss will be as much as
250,000 cases.
The revised estimates are
based on sales for July, the first
month of the new tax. Sales were
down 46,353 cases as compared
with July a year ago. Dollarwise,
this amoupts to nearly $1.77
million. If sales continue at the
present low level, the loss will
amount to more than $8.75
million over the year, or $17.5
million for the biennium.
Counties Eye Tax
With 33 of the ;state's 39
counties now collecting the
half-cent local sales ta~.counties
will strive to get the coming
special legislative session to repeal
the expiration date in the present
law. A bill to repeal the
expiration date was introduced in
the last session, but this measure
also would eliminate the counties'
share of sales taxes collected by
cities. The measure never got out
of the Subcommittee on Revenue
and Taxation.
The present law, enacted in
1970, is due to expire December
31, 1 973, and some of the
counties are beginning to worry.
So are some of the cities.
Governor evans favors extending
the law.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~u~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~u~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~i~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Let's talk books:
America's Other Youth: Growing Up
Poor. Edited by David Gottlieb and
Anne L. Heinsohm Prentice-Hall. 206
pp. Cloth, $7.95. Paper, $3.95.
Reviewed by Harold C. Fleming
During the last decade, our perception
of poverty in this country has changed
radically. In the early '60s Americans
were startled to find that, in the midst
of general affluence, as much as a fourth
of the population was poor. Prior to this
rediscovery of poverty, the general as-
sumption was that only a relatively few
Americans. as a result of special circum-
stances, were excluded from participa-
tion in our rising prosperity. It was rec-
ognized that blacks and other minorities
were predominantly on the lower rungs
of the economic ladder: but even in their
case it was taken for granted that the
trend was inexorably upward. As had
been true for the rest of us. universal
education and an expanding economy
were expected to do the job for all but
the hopelessly handicapped or the in-
curably lazy.
Most Americans had, in fact. grown
up "poor" or had experienced poverty
to one degree or another during the
Great Depression. But no stigma was
attached to this common misfortune
and, after the fact, it was generally ac-
cepted that ambition and hard work
were still the keys to opportunity, short
of a nationwide debacle. Now. such a
view seems as naive and anachronistic
as the Horatio Alger legend. What we
confront today is institutionalized pov-
erty--the result of a set of social and
economic arrangements that systemati-
cally robs certain groups of Americans
of both opportunity and hope.
This book is a collection of word
pictures that illustrate what it means to
grow up as a victim of this system.
America's "other youths" are the chil-
dren of the ghetto, the barrio, the reser-
vation, the isolated mountain valley, and
the migrant labor camp. To tell their.
story, the editors have taken excerpts
from a multiplicity of sources, including
books, magazine articles, and other re-
ports, and from authors of such varied
backgrounds as Ralph Nader, Robert
Coles. Claude Brown. and Malcolm X.
The common thread is the authors' ef-
forts to present the experience of grow-
ing up poor in as nearly firsthand terms
as possible, sometimes in the words of
the young people themselves.
\']hat emerges is a grim and shameful
picture of exploitation, neglect, hunger,
squalor, anger, despair, and alienation.
Worst of all, as in the case of the migrant
workers, is the prospect of under-
nourished, sickly children succumbing to
apathy and hopelessness, like their par-
ents before them. To b~ abjectly poor is
bad enough, but to be poor and without
hope is a kind of life-in-death. Fortu-
nately, this is not the universal response.
.Man~' of the selections illustrate the
growing shift from resignation to resent-
ment on the part of the minority poor--
and with it the will and capacity to strike
back against "the system." Middle-class
persons who do not understand the pc-
riodic explosions of rage and destructive-
ness in the ghettos can find considerable
enlightenment here. One who feels rele-
gated by society to the status of a non-
person is not choosy about how he as-
serts the fact of his existence.
There are no prescriptions in this
book: its aim is to provide the kind of
descriptive case histories that will create
empathy and insight in the reader. The
descriptions do make it clear, however,
that the solution to this kind of poverty
will require much more than conven-
tional economic remedies. All but an
exceptional few of these minority youths
will remain trapped in the stagnation of
poverty until and unless our institutions
are redesigned to permit them access to
power and esteem as well as income.
And regrettably, if the past is any guide.
this difficult task will be accomplished
only in proportion to the stridency of
the minority poor's demands.
l.ike all paste-pot collections, this one
suffers from a certain uneven, disjointed
quality. This could have been partly
remedied by more careful editing and
the supplying of some connective tissue
by the editors themselves. But given the
nature and purpose of the book, these
are not critical faults: the main object is
achieved. An added attraction for the
concerned reader is that the editors'
royalties will be contributed to a special
fund established at Pennsylvania State
University to assist poor youth who
otherwise would not be able to attend
college.
i~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~u~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~l~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~l~~~~~~~~~~~~u~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~u~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~u~~~~~~
Editor, The Journal: boys who are !
T h e g r a n d j ury has track and
investigated the state liquor.mess, track to bet
Now let them investigate the state horse.
horseracing set-up, where one If the
group has had the power to keep would allow
dog racing out of the state by they have in
hiring the people who work at the and have
track, all of whom are State, they
ex-politicians or related to of dollars by
politicians, bookies
This gives them the power to and give steady
buttonhole legislators in Olympia of people, as
so they can hang on to their state ferries
exclusive concession. With taxeS'
If the taxpayers who are the state could
looking for relief on their high from the
taxes would act as grownup from the rest
individuals - I am not saying food and
intelligent - they would move in
on these exclusive concession
By HANK ADAMS, Executive Director
Survival of American Indians Association
To allow sportsfishermen a chance to
steelhead would have the clear effect of
fish caught by them. in fact, the less fish
sportsfishermen, the greater is the value of the
of computation presently used. This method, as
courts, is simply one of calculating the costS
sportsfishermen are willing to put out, or are
spent, from equipment costs, transpo
motels, food, booze, to licenses, then dividing
expenditure by the average number of fish caught 1
steelhead, it has been computed that the
approximately $120
to catch two (2) $60.steelhead"
The immediate effect of steelheaders
average of 3, without spending more, would
steelhead to $40-critters. There is then
would spend less to catch such cheap
even further. However, by halving the
double the value of the steelhead to $120 --
on par with the fisherman's expenditure.
spendintg hundreds of dollars more to catch a
The ideal situation can perhaps best be seen
like the harvestable steelhead resources on the
salmon sportsfishery is subject to the same
an average harvestable resource of 14,000
catches them, but noting that most have been
sportsfishermen in the past, the following
possible.
Fourteen thousand steelhead caught by
Puyallup River have a value of $840,000.
steelhead caught by an Indian on the Puyallup,
Indians caught 4,000 of the total, that the
thousand would not decrease, but rather
value of 14,000 steelhead caught by IndianS
However, if one (1) steelhead was caught b
steelhead would have a value of $880,000.
catching 14,000 commercially, and one
catching one steelhead - which should not
effect upon the spawning escapement - the
resource would have advanced to $1,020,000!
Again, the $1,020,000 figure only tells the
benefits to the Indians' income and the
Doubtlessly, if the sportsfishermen's catch were
$880,000 steelhead, there is no telling how
fortunes, they might spend to catch such a
spending, they would further increase its value
to enhance the resource, also figured in the
be increased to ensure the catch, and such
increase in value of the fish and the
But if such situation were to develop
adopted, in the interests of moderating
inflationary economy, 1 would recommend
a mandatory spending limit of $1,000 for state
out-of-state residents - who would certainly
catch a near-priceless fish. Also, such a
computation of the steelhead's value more
as well, we would not want to eliminate
located in the state.
The law could easily be structured to
sportfishery be permitted to catch but
anadromous salmon species, and steelhead --
the commercial catch and spawning
If anyone raised the argument that
been converted to an expensive exercise of
could be told, "Nonsense. The 1
But in mentioning it, that argument raises
render such a program unworkable: that
court that hook-and-line fishing was not
for some salmon species on the lower
Indian might spend a fifetime on the river
by such means (and therefore needed netS)
right of "taking fish", fisheries
court, "That's not true. I've caught
fishing for trout." In other words, the
spoil it for us all.
"I/ound an honest man, al
he did? He called me
Page 4 - Shelton-Mason County Journal - Thursday, September 30, 1971
